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The Supreme Court got it supremely wrong when it held that corporations had the same rights as people to spend money in elections.
Public financing of elections, as a state and local democracy reform, can help enhance the political voice and power of working-class people and people of color. It is an effective antidote to the outsized influence corporations and major donors currently have on both politics and policy.
Why we need an executive order requiring government contractors to disclose their political spending.
In 2012, just 61 large donors to Super PACs giving an average of $4.7 million each matched the $285.2 million in grassroots contributions from more than 1,425,500 small donors to the major party presidential candidates.
Outside spending organizations reported $1.11 billion in spending to the FEC through the final reporting deadline in the 2012 cycle. That’s already a 200% increase over total 2008 outside spending.
Americans of all political backgrounds agree: there is way too much corporate money in politics.
This memo outlines how the Justices lined up on the issues in Randall v. Sorrell, provides some analysis of the opinions, and touches on the implications for future reform efforts.
After getting the First Amendment supremely wrong in Citizens United, the Supreme Court now faces its next money in politics case. In McCutcheon v. FEC, the challengers are attacking a law that says that no one person can contribute over $123,000 directly to federal candidates, parties, and committees—that’s over twice the average American’s income.
Supporting Seattle's voter-approved Democracy Voucher Program — a system designed to empower small donors and the candidates they support in city elections.
Democracy Dollars Can Make Every Voice Matter in Albuquerque’s Elections
Removing unnecessary hurdles to small donor participation will help fix a system that currently prioritizes wealthy, white, male donors over communities of color and working-class people.
The global coronavirus pandemic threatens to disrupt the Presidential
Preference Primary election in Florida. The extension of vote-by-mail options and other accommodations at polling places is necessary.
Our case challenging Florida's lack of necessary emergency accommodations for presidential primary election due to the COVID-19 pandemic
Brief submitted on behalf of Ohio A. Philip Randolph Institute and the League of Women Voters of Ohio
Challenging the new process for conducting Ohio’s primary election as one that will deprive Ohioans of their fundamental right to vote and the failure of the state to allow voters to register up to 30 days prior to the election as a violation of the National Voter Registration Act.
The specter of voter fraud is a talking point deployed to silence the voices of Black and brown voters across the country.
The three sets of steps policymakers and election officials must take to ensure that Black and brown Americans—and all Americans—can exercise their fundamental right to vote in 2020 and beyond.
Ways to increase access to the ballot for people who are released from incarceration and for eligible voters who are currently incarcerated.
Congress must address how Black, Indigenous, and Latinx people confront both the worst health outcomes and the greatest threats to household financial stability as a result of the pandemic.
Missouri's absentee and mail voting systems place unconstitutional burdens on the right to vote and violates federal law.