Former Dēmos president Miles Rapoport reflects on stepping in as the organization’s second president and carrying forward the founders’ vision.
Dēmos’ clarion voice and vision for an economy that works for everyone and a fully inclusive, multiracial democracy is needed now more than ever.
For those of us who were there in the beginning, it is remarkable to see Dēmos reaching this milestone in its history and creating a promising moment for its future. At this historical moment of danger and uncertainty, when authoritarian power is being consolidated and economic inequities are stark, Dēmos’ clarion voice and vision for an economy that works for everyone and a fully inclusive, multiracial democracy is needed now more than ever.
When Stephen Heintz, then President of Dēmos, was recruited to be the President of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund—an offer he couldn’t refuse—he asked me if I would consider stepping into his role. I remember saying to Stephen, “I won’t do it for you, but I will do it with you,” and so, in July of 2001, I became Dēmos’ second president. I understood I was now the steward of an organization and an idea rooted in the brilliance of an amazing group of founders—Stephen, Charlie Halpern, Arnie Miller—and a small but mighty dedicated team—David Callahan, Steve Carbo, Tamara Draut, and Michelle Holder. My task and good fortune for the next 13 years was to help shape Dēmos’ future and impact.
From the outset, there were three things that distinguished Dēmos from other policy organizations in those opening moments of the 21st century.
First, there was a need for a bold but thoughtful policy center on the left. Dēmos emerged as a policy center with deep commitment to genuine progressive values; rigorous, timely research; and innovative policy solutions.
Second, from the beginning, Dēmos adopted a dual focus on economic justice and a fully inclusive and responsive democracy, insisting that these two huge issues were absolutely and inextricably intertwined. As we moved forward with policy and actions on these two fronts, that intersectional lens became a major part of what we added to policy discussions, becoming our "brand" as well.
Third, we insisted that we would be a policy outfit that was intimately connected to grassroots and movement organizations and would ensure that our reports and proposed policy solutions were in service to organizing, and vetted by groups, coalitions, and advocates in the field. That is where our progressive values and innovative policies come from, and the partnerships we forged then have served the organization and the movement for all the intervening years.
These three things are part of Dēmos’ DNA, and while I am disappointed they are still so needed 25 years later, I am also very glad, and proud, that Dēmos exists to carry them into the future.
While we worked on dozens of issues, there are several that are particularly memorable.
On issues of expanding voting access, Dēmos was really the organization that put election day registration and same-day registration on the road to real acceptance. We published reports on the value of both of these pro-voter policies and convened a conference and training session for advocates that helped jump-start campaigns around the country. We served as a resource to state-based organizations working to advance the issue in public debate and legislative arenas. And as a direct result of our efforts and the work of many partners, the number of states that utilize same-day registration has gone from seven in 2001 to 23 plus the District of Columbia today.
We were also leaders on other issues related to voting and democracy. Dēmos worked on the restoration of voting rights for citizens with felony convictions, an issue which has almost counter-intuitively made major progress in the last 20 years. Dēmos also seriously studied the issues of voter purges, and with leadership by Brenda Wright and others, convened a table of organizations and advocates on this issue—work and leadership that continues to this day. I remember a meeting we had at the Department of Justice during the second Bush administration, where, perhaps in a foreshadowing of things to come, the head of the Civil Rights Division mocked and belittled our work.
Finally, we actively supported and advanced public campaign financing as a powerful antidote to the outsized and obscene influence of special and monied interests on political campaigns and outcomes. I was honored to work with Mijin Cha on a report that detailed the success of the public financing program for legislative and state races in Connecticut, where Republican and Democratic legislators alike, nearly all of whom use the system, sang and, 21 years after its inception, still sing its praises. The system enables candidates without deep pockets to run and sharply reduces lobbyist influence.
On the economic justice side of the work, I remember the day Tamara and David came into my office and pitched working on credit card debt, declaring it an “important and underestimated issue.” Their persuasion and passion ultimately led to groundbreaking research on how banks calculated interest charges and added hidden fees to extract money from consumers, particularly ones with significant credit card debt. We brought the issue into the mainstream spotlight and also began a long and productive series of negotiations between Dēmos and Citi Group, which led to a number of significant reforms being implemented without the imminent threat of legislation. Ultimately, the work we did created some of the grounding for the Dodd Frank Act and the establishment of the Consumer Finance Protection Bureau.
Long before the murder of George Floyd, Dēmos made a major investment in foregrounding our work on racial justice. Led by Heather McGhee, Lucy Mayo, and Tamara Draut, the organization undertook an in-depth and challenging dialogue on racism and how we could reshape our programs to make Dēmos central to the critical work of fighting racism with a full-throated commitment. We also understood that the issues facing everyday people in this country were deeply rooted in the class injustice endemic to capitalism and the truly horrifying levels of inequality that have been produced and continue to grow. Out of this work came the Race-Class Narrative, a research‑based political communication framework designed to unify people across racial and economic lines, counter divide‑and‑conquer racial messaging, and build support for a multiracial democracy and progressive policy solutions. It was, and still is, widely regarded as ground-breaking and has been adopted in policy circles and by grassroots organizations around the country.
In 2014, I was recruited to serve as president of Common Cause. Although I had not been considering leaving Dēmos, I realized that, on the one hand, I had led the organization for thirteen years, and, on the other, maybe, given the major organizational changes we were undergoing, the time was right for a new leader. I also instantly knew that Heather, who had been an anchor and a fabulous public figure for the organization for nearly ten years, was the right choice. Everyone on senior staff concurred, and, to my huge delight and relief, Heather said she was ready. After deliberations with the board, we all agreed that Heather was the right leader to move us forward, enabling me to leave after more than a decade at the helm, completely confident that the organization was in good hands.
It has been eleven years since I left the organization, but I have never stopped feeling part of a genuinely beloved community, if I can borrow that phrase. I thoroughly enjoyed being an emeritus member of the board for several years, and I follow Dēmos’ work with great interest and pride. But perhaps the most emblematic indication of how much Dēmos has meant in my life is that I never go to New York without trying to organize a dinner of Dēmos staff. And when these events take place, I feel completely at home, with friends and colleagues who have the double bond of shared principles and a shared experience of meaningful work with people dedicated to making a difference. Each one is a special experience.
Dēmos and every aligned organization need to mobilize to protect harmed communities and defend democracy itself.
There is no need to belabor the dangerous and challenging times we live in; we are all aware of what is at stake. Dēmos and every aligned organization need to mobilize to protect harmed communities and defend democracy itself. I know Dēmos is using its voice and its expertise to support the movement and hold the powerful to account. But at the same time, whether it is my work advancing the idea of universal voting or the current work Dēmos is doing on workplace justice, we always have and must keep imagining a better and brighter future. Under Taifa’s leadership, I have every confidence that Dēmos will continue to do both.
Taifa is the right leader for Dēmos at this time. Her long and successful experience as a state-based leader and her deep commitment to racial justice, economic justice, and a fully inclusive, multiracial democracy are an unerring guide. But most importantly, Taifa’s sense of joy and her indomitable optimism truly inspire those close to the organization and those cheering Dēmos on from afar. I am proud to be in that number—and proud that I contributed in some way to making Dēmos what it is today and will be tomorrow.